Mittwoch, 22. September 2010

Paper







Niemals Vergessen: Politics of Memory




Stephanie Merrill
August 2010
Professor Kathy Stuart










            Niemal Vergessen is a slogan regarding one of the most gruesome and calculated acts of violence against mankind.  This slogan asks us to never forget.  As we never forget, it is important to know what we are not forgetting, and then of course what we are remembering.  In this case we are implored to never forget the Holocaust, however, this slogan does not define the exact memories that ought to be remembered or forgotten. Even so memories do not lack in definitions.  This is left up to the one remembering to decide. Memory is not merely telling a story because even a story has a moral to it.  Memory has a reason.  Memory has an agenda. The proof is in the open-ended call to never forget, to remember. Never forgetting or remembering reveals the agenda and the politics of memory through memoirs, memorials, art and history.
The existence of a publication is in essence a call to never forget.  Why write for no reason?  Is it even possible to write without an agenda? Ruth Kluger, a survivor of the Holocaust, will never forget and encourages readers to do the same with her book Still Alive: A Holocaust Girlhood Remembered.  Her book does not even attempt to exist without an agenda. This agenda is written clearly in English making it possible for the majority of the world to read. This is the beauty of language.  Language makes it possible to communicate thoughts, ideas, politics and agendas. It is clear that Ruth Kluger employs her memories with a political agenda.  Even the title has a rhyme and a reason. The title in English, Still Alive, “thumbs its nose at those who wanted Ruth Kluger dead.”[1]  This collection of memories celebrates Hitler’s failure because she among other Jews is not dead; she is still alive.  However we find that some meaning is lost in translation.  The German title Weiter Leben, going on living, expresses the pain and hardship surviving the Holocaust entails.  Survival and living again, for Ruth is “a bit of a chore” and this tone is lost in the translation of the title.  The Holocaust was not easy and neither should the memory of it be.   The purpose of her title and her book is to remember the Holocaust as the gruesome and horrific event that it was.  Those who did not experience it must learn about it, without “avoidance,” never forgetting the Holocaust and all its evils.[2]  This agenda is revealed before reading past the title and foreword.
Kluger’s agenda is not only revealed in the title but also in her dedication.  The dedication is “in memory of my mother Alma Hirschel 1903-2000.”  Kluger’s mission to present the Holocaust in all of its unforgivable ugliness is even evident in her memory of her mother; the memory of the holocaust and the memory of her mother cannot be separated.  Kluger dedicates Still Alive to her mother, who she detests and loves all in the same instant.  Kluger blames her mother for keeping her away from the Kindertransports and instead taking her along to Auschwitz, because a child ought to stay with its mother.[3]  Then during escape mother saves her daughter’s life and they survive.  Then Kluger’s survival is plagued by her own memories of the Holocaust and being the child of a Holocaust survivor.  Each relation to the Holocaust, the survivor and child of survivor, has its own pain and sufferings.  Kluger refuses to dilute the post-death camp horrors she survived and then continued to survive even for the sake of the memory of her mother.  The holocaust did not only destroy millions of lives, it murdered individuals, destroyed families and family dynamics in addition to affecting the survivor’s quality of living and that of their offspring.  The horrors of the Holocaust transcended generations.
            To understand the affect of the memory of the survivor and the child of the survivor we must understand the survival.  Surviving meant living through a systemized hell of torture and hate.  Kluger is determined to present life in the concentration camps, as it was, not as a learning experience because “you learned nothing there, least of all humanity and tolerance.”[4]  Terence Des Pres’ study of survivors explores the survivor after experiencing this hell. In The Survivor, Des Pres explores a psychoanalytic approach to the Holocaust and the camp experience, which causes the survivors to regress to “ ‘childlike’ or ‘infantile’ levels of behavior.”[5] This child-like state is attained through the inmates’ preoccupation with food and excrement, like infants, to life’s most basic function and necessity.  The inmates in the camps are systematically deprived of life’s most basic functions and regress to the childlike state in order to survive. The conditions of the camps were systems to dehumanize and humiliate the prisoners.  They had to be dehumanized to make the SS’ job and totalitarian rule “easier.”[6]  Ruth Kluger and her mother among countless others experienced this dehumanizing hell and now live with the affects of what Des Pres calls the symbolism of evil: the hell, the survival and the new life.[7]  Survival of the Holocaust is surviving and overcoming a total loss of everything that makes a human, human.[8]  These camps systematically taught humans how to not be human. 
            Des Pres’ study brings us to one of Kluger’s criticisms of memorializing the concentration and death camps.  For Kluger many of the death camps have been transformed into museums and tourist attractions with gift shops and holocaust kitsch that leave out and avoid the horrors that occurred there.  Fifty years after the liberation of the camps, they have been tidied-up and are now “clean and proper” where in memory the only sense of order was systematic death.  The death camps cannot be recreated or conserved to convey the inhumanity that dominated the place because “the missing ingredients are the odor of fear emanating from human bodies, the concentrated aggression, [and] the reduced minds.”[9]  Without the reality of the camps, many tourists visit Auschwitz and walk away believing that they have learned something, gained something, or become a better person having cried in a gas chamber.  However, according to Kluger Auschwitz was in no way a university, it did not teach the survivor (or the visitor) anything, let alone humanity.[10] Kluger examined knowledge from the camps.  While examining the idea of understanding the camps Primo Levi in The Gray Zone asks, “Have we…been able to understand and make others understand our experience?”  The answer is no; understanding is merely simplification.[11]  Those who have not actually experienced the camp, or survived the camp cannot understand the fear and death that emanated from the camp.  Levi warns us that understanding must be acknowledged as a simplification and not as reality.[12]  Combining the similar arguments of Kluger and Levi, it is clear that the death camp museums can recall a simplification of memory, but cannot truly convey the reality. 
            In an attempt to know and understand the death camps many have questioned the conservation of the death camps. Is it necessary to visit a simplification of reality of a camp in order to never forget?  One line of thought believes the camps to be tourist attractions that are kitsch and a memorial to death and Hitler’s achievement.  Another line of thought believes that the camps are important for the grieving process of loss and that it is important to keep them for others to see and visit as a tool to never forget.  What should be done with the camps?  Can a simplification of reality be a significant learning experience?  If not, what is the correct way to ensure that we never forget?
            I visited the Mauthausen camp in Austria during the summer of 2010.  The road to the camp is called Erinnerung, which means memory.  The camp is at the top of a hill overlooking the town of Mauthausen below.  There were a number of buses transporting groups of tourists and/or students like us.  Outside the camp there is a cafeteria and a bookstore. A restaurant and a memorial garden are inside the main walls.  Inside the inner walls were the prisoner barracks, the decontamination room, the washroom, the kitchen, the hospital, the soccer field, the gas chamber, and the crematorium.  There were no prisoners, no SS officers, and no smell of death or fear.  I could imagine the death, the fear, the starvation, and the torture but in reality I had a backpack with snacks and an extra shirt in case the weather turned cold.  The tour guide taught its listeners about the prisoner barracks while mothers pushed their children in strollers in and out of the former prison. Teenagers texted on their cell phones while groups exited the gas chambers alive from the same doors that thousand of gassed bodies were dragged out of in a tangled mess of corpses.  Cyclists wearing their spandex contemplated the crematoriums while their bodies cooled down after a long push up Memory Way.  The walls of the buildings had evidence of visitors: graffiti marking the dates of visits, others as a memorial of a former inmate, and then even racist remarks, quite similar to markings in any public bathroom stall in America.  For Kluger the camp is not for an afternoon stroll, “it is no place for a pilgrimage,” but should lead to an understanding of the camp’s reality.[13] 
Ruth Kluger not only criticizes the concentration camps’ lack of death, but also the way “they don’t take you in, they spit you out.  Moreover, they tell you what you ought to think, as no art or science museum ever does.”[14] Adolf Frankl, an artist and a survivor of Auschwitz tries to “present to others the atrocious thoughts which course through my head.”[15]  The camp was an abysmal hell and he depicts this hell in wild, vibrant colors that are shockingly horrific.  In his painting called Fall into the Abyss Adolf Frankl expressed the realities of the death camps through his art and explained, “There is no more life, only sorrow and misery.  Death is the only deliverance from this torture.”[16] Solomon J. Salat, another holocaust survivor said,  “When I look through the window of my memories I see nothing but tombstones.”[17]   Should visiting a death camp connect the visitors with the realities of fear and death? Or are there other ways of memorializing the Holocaust?
The visitors I encountered as well as myself were far from smelling the death and fear of Kluger’s memory of the camp. Pablo Félix Escribano-Cano a survivor of Mauthausen said, one “cannot imagine what it means, being exposed to this martyrdom, this extermination and to so much suffering.”[18]  This quote follows the same views of Kluger and Levi.   However, if it is impossible to know the reality of the camps, this argument ignores the fact that remembering the event does not require understanding the complex realities of the Holocaust.  Does a lack of reality prove a connection and memory of the camp useless? Or are there other motives for remembering?  Another survivor of Mauthausen, Eva Lukash said, “I want to remind one of the harps of dead bodies. They were numerous.”[19]  With that said, there are more ways to remind the world of the dead bodies without conserving the actual bodies, without requiring the reality and stench of death. The agenda here is an attempt to remember victims categorically by eliciting a connection to the victims of the Holocaust from surviving individuals, groups and nations, not as recreation of the terror.
In order to remember the hordes of bodies, individuals have set up memorials of their murdered and remembered loved ones outside the crematorium, the last place their bodies laid.  In addition, at the entrance of the prison, the Klagemauer, the Wailing Wall, which is the location of the dreaded roll calls, the victims have been memorialized as well.  This wall, lined with barbed wire is where prisoners were forced under threat of death to line up for hours or days.  Now in the same place of such inhumane practices, a number of plaques in remembrance of all the people who were murdered line the wall. However, the victims are remembered different here than in the crematorium, instead of remembering individual names, the victims have been categorized.  
On the outside wall of the Klagemaur where the Nazi Officers’ barracks use to stand lays the entrance to the memorial park.  Each one is dedicated not to an individual, nor a certain group, but to a nation because the terror of the Holocaust spread across the map and over boundaries.  The monument standing directly opposite the entrance of the prison barracks is dedicated to Israel, as a giant Menorah.  Israel as a nation did not exist until after liberation of the camps, however Israel still represents its victimization.  There is also another monument for a nation that now exists as two nations—Czechoslovakia—but still stands in commemoration. The Holocaust still affected Israel and Czechoslovakia, therefore, whether in existence or not.  It is obvious that the purpose of the memorial is not to make us understand the death and suffering but to remind us of the victimization of the Holocaust and fascism that transcended people, boundaries and even time.  These memorials seem to even combat the slogan of the fascist, Adolf Hitler, “Ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer” (one people, one empire, one leader).[20] The memorials at Mauthausen are a reminder of the falsities of fascism—there are more than one people, one empire and one leader—Niemals Vergessen.
Remembering the victims is an aspect of the politics of memory.  While the memorials help clear up a debate on experiencing death camps, memorials are far from being free from debates themselves.  The Gestapo House Memorial on the Schwedenplatz in Vienna, Austria has hosted a number of debates.  It is built out of stones extracted from the Mauthausen concentration camp quarry by the prisoners. There is a lone statue of a prisoner emerging from the blocks with Niemals Vergessen etched in the stone with the triangles representing political prisoners (red triangle) and the yellow Jewish Star of David on either side.  In front of the monument are stones that originally held an iron bar in memory of another group the Nazis murdered.  The site is dedicated to the victims of fascism, however, not all the victims appreciate being remembered together and others feel left out.  The iron bar has been removed from the memorial as a form of protest.  Each group wants to be remembered separate from the others.  Others have debated the lacking representation of female victims. Still others find the construction material offensive, being the result of the labor that killed them. Because each group wants to be remembered, or wants their victimization remembered, they create tension if they are left out, or lumped together like they were left in the tangled mass graves.  At Mauthausen each group is remembered on the Wailing Wall and the Memorial Garden monuments.  Each group also wants recognition in Vienna as well.[21]
As each group vies for recognition in memory in the form of memorials, even the victims themselves are debated. On the Albertinaplatz in Vienna is a memorial to the victims of war and fascism, built on the location of a bombed apartment where hundreds of Viennese inhabitants died in 1945.  This memorial presents Austria “with its myth of innocence and victim hood” in regards to the Holocaust and their suffering through World War II.[22]   According to this theory, the Austrian Anschluss, unification with Nazi Germany of 1938 was coerced.  However, the “scenes of mass adulation” welcoming Hitler and the Anschluss is evidence mounted against this theory.  Even if all of Austria did not support the Anschluss, to their “discredit” it was the “popular pressure in Vienna and the initiative of responsive local Nazis that inspired many of the policies of the Third Reich’s Final Solution.”[23]  Kluger notes that Austrian Nazis performed more “gruesome tasks” than the German Nazis.[24]  Records show that nearly half of SS personnel were Austrian and that in their service they were responsible of nearly 3 million murdered Jews.[25]  These politics of memory blur Austria’s role as victim or perpetrator.  Furthermore, it blurs the focus of memory. All want to be the victims and never the perpetrator.
Also on the Albertinaplatz in Vienna is another memorial to the victims of fascism: the monument remembering the Jews.  This memorial remembers the Jews as the bearded men forced to mop the streets on their hands and knees under the boot of the fascists.  The Jew is covered in barbed wire signifying the oppression and their history in ghettos, death camps and Hitler’s Final Solution.  This memorial and its message are also debatable.  Here the Jew is remembered and depicted in the manner the Nazis would have them remembered: as the inferior race, only fit to mop the streets, or preferably dead.  This monument can easily be perceived as racist and insensitive to the Jewish community.  This does not promote the message of tolerance and acceptance, which is imperative in preventing a reoccurrence of the hate and racism that spawned the Holocaust to begin with.  Adolf Frankl, an artist and a survivor of Auschwitz, remembers and paints his experience in the Holocaust: “through my paintings I have created a memorial for all nations of the world.  No one, regardless of religious or political convictions, should ever again suffer—such or similar—atrocities.”[26]  Memory is not to understand the horrors, or merely as a reminder of the victims, but it is to prevent a similar tragedy.  This is a message to the bystanders of the Holocaust: never forget.  
For the murdered Jews of Austria stands a newer memorial built on the Judenplatz in Vienna in 1996.  Rachel Whitereads’s monument, “The Nameless Library,” for “the people of the book,” commemorates the 65,000 murdered Austrian Jews.  It is a huge block of 6,500 concrete books on shelves with their spines turned inward, leaving the titles and the stories unreadable and “hints at the Nazi book burnings.”[27]  There are doors with no handles: denying entry into the library and denying access to the thousands of murdered Jews whose lives are lost forever.  This memorial became host to a number of political, aesthetical and locational debates: it was too ugly, took up too much parking, and covered the remains of Vienna’s destroyed medieval synagogue.[28]  According to Simon Wiesenthal, the Holocaust survivor and Nazi hunter, “‘This monument shouldn’t be beautiful’…‘it must hurt.’”[29]  The Holocaust was ugly and hurt and therefore, the memorials to it should as well. The memorial is for the viewer, the dead cannot respond and they have already experienced the ugliness and the hurt of the Holocaust.  
Debates reveal that memorials are not just to remind viewers of the victims, but to illicit a response from the viewer.  Ruth Kluger explains it as follows, “we don’t honor the dead with these unattractive remnants of past crimes; we collect and keep them for the satisfaction of our own necrophilic desires.”[30]  The memorials therefore connect the viewer to the event and do not necessarily connect the viewer to the victim.  The memorial is no longer about victims, but about the viewer.  The memorial to the Russian Soldier in Vienna clearly has an agenda of its own.  This memorial commemorates the Russians’ liberation of Austria and was built in the Russian sector of post-war Allied-occupied Vienna.  However, to the Austrians, the Unknown Soldier is known as the Unknown Rapist and Plunderer.[31]  The Russians were not known as liberating heroes but as victimizers who committed atrocious crimes against Austrian citizens.  Who defines the monument?  If the commissioner defines it, it stands for liberation.  If those who remember it define it, it commemorates rape.  For a memorial its meaning remains to be defined by the beholder.  A memorial is complicated by dual, nearly opposing meanings. 
The politics of memory become increasingly complicated as we excavate all the many facets of the Holocaust:  the memories of death, the memories of torture and hell.  The memories of the victims, the bystanders and the perpetrators—transcends generation, boundaries and time.  The memories are owned and denied.  The memorials are debated, loved and hated.  However heated the debate over the memories, at least we can agree that even through the debates, the Holocaust is not forgotten.  May its memory be as persistent as the Angel of Death:
Old Friend, old adversary, most satisfying of lovers,
Lifeguard as I swim my laps and my lungs give out,
As my hair thins out, as I hunt for my glasses,
As the dishes and papers pile up, you sit in my kitchen and classes,
Wearing bright paper wings, and impractical joker, not a fraud[32]

May the politics and agenda of memory, Niemals Vergessen.

Bibliography
Adolf Hitler Perverse Political Genius. http://www.foothilltech.org/rgeib/english/orwell/primary_sources/adolf_hitler.htm
Beller, Steven. A Concise History of Austria. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006.
Des Pres, Terence. The Survivor. HIS 142B Dr. Biale Course reader S2010.
Dr. Brigitte, this information was collected through a guided Jewish Walking Tour in Vienna, August 2010.
Connolly, Kate. “Closed Books and Stilled Lives.” The Guardian. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2000/oct/26/kateconnolly.
Frankl, Adolf. Art Against Oblivion. Vienna: VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn.
Ruth Kluger. Still Alive: A Holocaust Girlhood Remembered. New York: The Feminist Press at The City University of New York, 2001.
Primo Levi. The Gray Zone. HIS 142B Dr. Biale Course reader S2010
Mauthausen Memorial. Eyewitnesses. http://en.mauthausen-memorial.at/index_open.php.
Parsons, Nicholas. Vienna a Cultural History. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.


[1] Ruth Kluger, Still Alive: A Holocaust Girlhood Remembered (New York: The Feminist Press at The City University of New York, 2001), 12.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Kluger, Alive, 9.
[4] Kluger, Alive, 65.
[5] Terence Des Pres, The Survivor, course reader, 56.
[6] Des Pres, Survivor, 61. 
[7] Des Pres, Survivor, 71.
[8] Des Pres, Survivor, 184
[9] Kluger, Alive, 67.
[10] Kluger, Alive, 65.
[11] Primo Levi, The Gray Zone, 36.
[12] Levi, Gray Zone, 37.
[13] Kluger, Still Alive, 111.
[14] Kluger, Still Alive, 198. 
[15] Adolf Frankl, Art Against Oblivion (Vienna: VG Bild-Kunst, Bonn), 14.
[16] Frankl, Art, 55.
[17] Mauthausen Memorial, Eyewitnesses, http://en.mauthausen-memorial.at/index_open.php.
[18] Mauthausen Memorial, Eyewitnesses, http://en.mauthausen-memorial.at/index_open.php.
[19] ibid.
[20] Adolf Hitler Perverse Political Genius,  http://www.foothilltech.org/rgeib/english/orwell/primary_sources/adolf_hitler.htm
[21] Dr. Brigitte, this information was collected through a guided Jewish Walking Tour in Vienna, August 2010.
[22] Steven Beller, A Concise History of Austria (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 257
[23] Beller, Concise History, 235
[24] Kluger, Still Alive, 59.
[25] Beller Concise History, 236.
[26] Adolf Frankl, Art, 5.
[27] Nicholas Parsons, Vienna a Cultural History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 130.
[28] Kate Connolly, “Closed Books and Stilled Lives,” The Guardian, http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2000/oct/26/kateconnolly.
[29] Simon Wiesenthal quoted in Kate Connolly, “Closed books,” http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2000/oct/26/kateconnolly
[30] Kluger, Still Alive, 64.
[31] Parsons, Cultural History, 251.
[32] Kluger, Alive, 210.

Dienstag, 31. August 2010

31 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


in der Zwischenzeit: In der Zwischenzeit, habe ich Deutsch gelernt.

Montag, 30. August 2010

Sonntag, 29. August 2010

29 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


Freundschaft: Ich habe ein Freundschaft mit Tommy. 

Samstag, 28. August 2010

28 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


wohnen:  Ich wohne im Woodland und Redding.

Freitag, 27. August 2010

Donnerstag, 26. August 2010

26 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


Heute:  Heute besichtige ich die Vereinigten Nationen.

Mittwoch, 25. August 2010

25 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


Kino:  Wir sahen den Film 'Der Dritte Mann' im Kino.

Dienstag, 24. August 2010

24 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


es geht.  Wie geht's?          Es geht.  Ich bin gut.

Montag, 23. August 2010

23 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort

Wegen: Wegen das Zorns des Gottes, verband Luther ein Kloster.

Sonntag, 22. August 2010

Samstag, 21. August 2010

21 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


vielleicht:  Vielleicht fahre ich mein Fahrrad.


Freitag, 20. August 2010

20 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort

gesund: Ich bin glücklich und gesund in Wien.

Donnerstag, 19. August 2010

Mittwoch, 18. August 2010

18 August 2010

Wortschatz
und das tägliche Wort


schmecken:  Das schmecken gut.  Ich hätte gern mehr Sachertorte, bitte.

Dienstag, 17. August 2010

More about legislation against Gypsies in Early Modern England


         Stephanie Merrill
Early Modern Gypsies: A People without a Place
         Shortly following the arrival of Gypsies in early modern times the government enacted legislation that expelled this itinerant group pf wanderers from the place of inhabitation of sixteenth century England.  The governments and the societies these nomads encountered persecuted and feared these foreigners, these gypsies. They traveled from foreign lands and settled in camps for a time only to pack up to move again.  While Egypt was considered their home, or place of origin, by those who named the outlandish people, most gypsies were not born in Egypt.  Gypsies considered any place they set up their itinerant camp to be a home of sorts. They were everywhere yet nowhere; they were nowhere yet everywhere.  The gypsies were a people without a place.  The governments of the lands the gypsies wandered responded to the nomads with legislated acts against them.  The gypsies had no permanent dwelling in England but the legislature against them mapped out their existence beginning in 1530 with the Egyptian Act and subsequent acts to follow in the following centuries. The wanders with no place, were feared and as a result governments needed to control the unstable, nomadic people.  The legislation against the gypsies mapped out the spatial existence of a people who had no place.  
         In the statutes made at Westminister, the first law concerning the gypsies entitled the Egyptians Act, 1530 introduced the act as pertaining to “outlandish people, calling themselves Egyptians.”  This is the first law in England’s history that legislated against the gypsies. Subsequently the Act of 1530 mapped out the gypsies’ space in society as it expelled the Egyptians from the realm.  By law they were forbade to enter and commanded to leave.  They were excluded from the realm because they were a group of people who by
using no craft nor feat of Merchandise have come into this realm, and gone from Shire to Shire, and Place to Place in great Company, and used great, subtil, and crafty Means to deceive the People, bearing them in hand, that they by Palmestry could tell Mens and Womens Fortunes, and so many Times by Craft and Subtility have deceived the People of their Money, and also have committed many heinous Felonies and Robberies, to the great Hurt and Deceit of the People the have come among[1]
For a government to enact legislation that expelled a people from a region implies some sort of threat from the barred people.  The act of 1530 identified their travels as a “great company.”  A large group of invading foreigners was often viewed as a threat to government and society.  To have called the gypsies a “great company” implies large numbers. Conversely evidence suggests that the population of foreigners in England was low during the 1500s and did not increase dramatically until a century later.[2]  They customarily traveled in small groups congregating only on special occasions throughout the year.[3]  However large or small these groups of foreigners congregated the sixteenth century noted an influx of foreigners’ travels to Britain.  The relatively small numbers nevertheless caused a noticeable change.[4]  This influx sometime during the first half of the 1500s was even called an invasion of the gypsies.[5]  This large group was threatening, however, the law did not legislate merely against congregating or traveling in groups.  The Act of 1530 felonized a particular group, the Egyptians.  The gypsies were the concern to society. It was not necessarily the numbers but the presence of a “masterless” society within a society.  Gypsies were considered a threat to the “established social order.”[6]  It would have been foolish to let the presence of a threat go unattended no matter how large or small.  
         This Egyptians Act of 1530 described this “masterless” group called the gypsies.  They were an “outlandish” people in society, meaning they were from another country and they were foreign to England.  They were called Egyptians but more often than not, the foreigners were not from Egypt.  The Gypsies were presumed to be of Indian origin and were also known as Rom or Romany.[7]  Skin color, facial features and dress identified the gypsies as “Indian.”[8] Current studies attempt to genetically map out the DNA and origins of the Roma-Gypsies to India, but the conclusions are widely debated.[9] While the gypsies’ face and garb made them more easily identifiable their outward appearance was not the only defining characteristic.  Whether the gypsies were from Egypt, India or any other foreign, the threat to society was not necessarily the origin of the invading strangers. It was the gypsies’ “mysterious nature” that was their most menacing characteristic.[10] Mystery was one of the biggest threats that caused the basis for the fears surrounding this group of foreign travelers.
         Gypsies were from a foreign place and refused to settle in any shire or place.  They preferred to wander in groups with no permanent dwelling. Not only was there uncertainty to their origin, it was also impossible to know where they were going.  They were unpredictable and non-conformist. Their place was nowhere and everywhere all at the same time. 
         When one constantly wanders, refuses to settle down and form roots, one will never secure friends, neighbors, or acquaintances that know them.  Xenophobia, or fear of the unknown can easily be applied to a foreigner who cannot be permanently located because their place of dwelling is itinerant.[11]  Having a house, or a permanent dwelling, makes it easier for one to be known, identifiable or locate-able while having no place makes one mysterious or un-definable.  This sixteenth century fear of and the need to control those without a conventional home, those who wandered from “place to place” and “shire to shire,” came during a time when one’s home and reputation defined one’s status.  During the early modern period, after the Renaissance, value began to be placed on the private aspects of life and the home.[12]  The gypsies had no home and therefore could not engage in the emerging value of privacy.
         The itinerancy and mystery shrouded the perception of the gypsies with fear.   There was a “paranoia rooted in a mistrust of strangers and aliens and a desire to punish and control them.”[13] In addition to lacking value accompanied in a home gypsies were also nomadic and a people “set apart from mainstream society” in an “alternative and threatening underworld.”[14] Accordingly the gypsies inhabited the unknown, un-predictable, unconventional and mysterious in Early Modern England. They inhabited the mysterious places.  The gypsies were present one day and gone the next and were mysterious and unknown. Moreover what was known about them was just as startling to the societies they occupied as their mysteries. 
         While the gypsies were mysterious and unknown the Egyptian act of 1530 described attributes of the gypsies found evident to mainstream society.  They were a people “using no craft nor feat of Merchandise.”[15]  This line in the Act of 1530 was written during a time when crafts and trades flourished.  Apprenticeship and trade in textile, metal, leather, building food and drink, etc., were common and respectable crafts.   Craft guilds were established, regulated, and controlled at least a century before the 1530s.[16]  The gypsies, devoid of craft and guild, could not be regulated in their professional place.  Job deficiency for the gypsies made them even more un-controllable.   
         Since the gypsies had “no craft nor feat of merchandise” it is inferable that they either did not work or they took part in un-proper careers to sustain livelihood.  The gypsies’ idleness and un-employment threatened society with an underlying negative affect on the economy.  The gypsies did not participate in the conventional economic activities of early modern England.  They were considered to be idle described in the Egyptian Act of 1530 as thieves and “were increasingly stigmatized as lazy and crime-prone.”[17]  Conventionally, the economy for early modern England depended on merchant trade, craftsman and hard-laborers.  A study on York County follows the decline of textile trade that negatively affected the towns’ economies in the 1500s.  Unemployment, orphans and the poor were common and received aid from the Crown.[18]  A declining economy did not welcome immigration that would further stress the economy and it was the nomadic lifestyle whose “main livelihood and economy are directly dependent on a sedentary of ‘host’ community.”[19]  They were viewed as a parasitical group in early modern society. Gypsies were not only feared for being unknown but they were also feared because they were known to negatively influence the economy.
         The gypsies lacked a “craft of merchandise” but were “crafty” in other detestable and criminal feats.  The Egyptian Act of 1530 described their “crafty means” of sorcery, fortune telling and deceit.  These characteristics are evidenced in many texts written by those the gypsies caused “great hurt and deceit” to in early modern times.[20]  One of these sources that described the gypsies in the same light as the Egyptian Act was in the form of a song.  This “Gypsie Loddy” while published in 1720 shared many of the same sentiments of crafty sorcery, hurt and deceit.  The title word “loddy” is slang for Laudanum,[21] a main ingredient in opium,[22] and likens the affect of a gypsy to narcotics. The song told the story of “seven gypsies who were all in a gang” who came to the wife of an Earl and seduced her with their thievery, sorcery and “loddy.”[23]  She left behind her fancy clothes, shoes, house, money and husband to follow the gypsy gang.  Her husband searched for her and found her “cold wet and weary.”[24] He brought her home and the song concludes as “there were seven Gypsies in a gang, / And they were brisk and bonny O, / And they are to be hanged all on a row, / For the Earl of Castle’s lady O.”[25]  The “Gypsie Loddy” was a warning to all who heard it or sang it of the dangers the gypsies posed to society.  The gypsies stole everything of value, squandered it, and left what was of no use to rot.  The deceitful, jobless nomads were no good.  As a consequence they deserved to be hung for their trickery, sorcery and deceit and legislation expelled them out of the realm for those reasons.
         The Egyptians Act, 1530 gave the gypsies 15 days to remove themselves from the realm and no more outlandish people were permitted to enter.  Any gypsies who did not comply with the statute were required to give up all “Goods,” however a gypsy who acted in compliance were allowed to keep their goods so long as their goods were not acquired “craftily of feloniously.”  Those who had stolen goods were required to pay back the debt by returning a “double value” of the “Goods, Money of Chattles.” The right of seizure of the Egyptians goods was placed in the hands the Justice of the Peace, Sheriff, or Escheator and they were given the authority to use the seized goods for their own purposes.[26] 
         This act not only persecuted the gypsies for their lack of a proper dwelling place but it expelled them from the space they inhabited and confiscated any property they obtained. This law was written under the prefix that all they acquired was through deceit, as they had “no craft nor feat of merchandise.”  This made it nearly impossible for the gypsies who were willing to enter into compliant societal function. They could not afford the stipulations legislation required for them to stay. The government did everything possible to be rid of the gypsies and their detrimental affect on society.  Gypsyism was illegal. 
         It was a felony to be a gypsy since the enactment of the Egyptian Act of 1530.  In the same decade legislation was passed against another itinerant group.  The Vagabond Act of 1535 persecuted the itinerant lifestyle as well.[27]  This act is closely related to the gypsies because both these groups were persecuted for their idle and itinerant habitation of society.   This law criminalized constant beggaring and required vagabonds to be “kept in continual labor.”[28]  This law required people to establish a permanent job and a permanent dwelling otherwise their punishment for vagrancy was whipping, cutting off their ear, or execution.[29]  It was a felony to be either a vagabond or a gypsy.  It was possible for a gypsy to be persecuted under either law because the law not only made it a felony to be a gypsy, but legislation felonized idleness and itinerancy.[30]  Gypsies as described in the Egyptian Act had neither job nor home, much like the vagabond.
         This act, while being against the sturdy beggars was also an attempt at relocating recipients of aid to the poor that was distributed in the suffering economy we previously mentioned.  In 1551 the British government instituted the Poor Act.  The church became responsible for aiding the poor “with that which every Parishioner of his charitable Devotion will give” upon legislation of this act.[31]  As the church aided the poor, they were only required to aid those confirmed “Vagabonds and idle Persons.”[32]  When the act added the prerequisite of confirmation they required the condition of being a full member of the church.  A few years later a second act against the gypsies revealed that the original act did not succeed in the goal of ridding England of the gypsies as well as denying this group aid for poor.
         Twenty-four years after the Egyptian Act of 1530 another act was legislated “against certain Persons calling themselves Egyptians.”[33]  The Egyptian Act of 1554 reinstated the previous Egyptian Act of 1530 and added persecution against any person who might bring an Egyptian into England and gave any gypsies already in England one month to vacate.  In addition the legislation against the Egyptians was because they “[were] not fearing the Penalty of the said Statute [Egyptian Act of 1530], have enterprised to come over again into this Realm, using their old-accustomed devilish and naughty Practices and Devices, with such abominable Living as is not in any Christian Realm to be permitted, named or known, and be not duly punished for the same.” The act also required the gypsies to “lose the Benefit and Privilege of Sanctuary and Clergy.”[34] The gypsies who failed to leave will be “judged…felons, and shall suffer pains of death.”[35]  The penalty for gysyism was capital punishment.
         The Poor Act of 1551 offered aid to confirmed vagabonds and idle persons.[36]  The Egyptian Act of 1554 described the nomads as “naughty” preferring prohibition of the gypsies from “any Christian realm.”[37]  They were not considered Christian or permitted confirmation.  The government also made certain to deny the gypsies sanctuary of the church.  The gypsies were such a threat to society that the government tried to make sure they were not able to hide in the realm under the guise of vagabond or poor.  The governments of early modern England attempted to rid their county of the people who had no controllable institution and therefore regulated any place the gypsies could be found: in vagrancy, as the poor, and the church, denying them access to the places they could possess. 
         The gypsies place was nowhere.  They were exiled from England or required to assimilate into conventional society.  The gypsies were also everywhere. England was not the only country that mapped out their existence through legislation.  In 1619 Spain unsuccessfully attempted to “remedy” their land of the gypsy dilemma.[38]   Spain also, like England passed legislation that expelled the gypsies and required the death penalty for the dissenters.[39]  Then in 1633 the Spanish government decided to solve the problem of the gypsies by enacting legislation that “denied their existence” unless they assimilated.[40]  Therefore, gypsies could no longer exist in the early modern times of Spain.  They had had no place in society and were left to exist only in the past.  They were nowhere excepting legislation, as they were still present through the denial of their existence in the law.  
         The gypsies were a threat to the governments presiding over the lands the nomads wandered.  The qualities of these people were viewed negatively by society in early modern England.  It was a felony to be a gypsy.  The gypsies were also vagrant and poor and the laws targeted the gypsies as such in addition to their acts of deceit, thievery, and sorcery.  The society viewed gypsies as harmful and as a result the government attempted to control these people.  This task was rather daunting for the legislature as they tried to target a people who inhabited society in all aspects, everywhere, yet with no permanency.  They occupied no single place.  They were nowhere, yet everywhere.


Bibliography
“The City of Coventry: Crafts and industries: Craft organisation to the 16th century.” A History of the County of Warwick: Volume 8: The City of Coventry and Borough of Warwick. 1969. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=16025&strquery=craft Date accessed: 07 December 2009.
Egyptians Act. 1530. Statutes of the Realm. 22 Hen. 8, c. 10.
Egyptians Act. 1554. Statutes of the Realm. 1&2 Ph. and M, c. 4.
Fitzgerald, Brian Vesey. Gypsies of Britain. Great Britain: Chapman and Hall Ltd, 1973.
“Gypsie Loddy.” 1720. Early English Online Books, 20 Oct. 2009. <https://vpn.lib.ucdavis.edu/,DanaInfo=eebo.chadwyck.com+search.>
Hunt, Barbara and others. Gypsies and Government Policy in England. London: Northumberland Press Ltd., 1975.
Lucassen, Leo. “Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914.” in Gypsies and Other Itinerant Groups. New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, Inc, 1998.
Mayall, David. Gypsy Identities 1500-2000 From Egipcyans and Moon-men to the Ethnic Romany. London: Routledge, 2004.
Poor Act. 1551. Statutes of the Realm, 5&6 Edw. 6, c. 2.
Pym, Richard J. The Gypsies of Early Modern Spain, 1425-1783. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
“The sixteenth century: Economy.A History of the County of York East Riding: Volume 6: The borough and liberties of Beverley (1989), pp. 80-83. economy Date accessed: 23 November 2009.>
Stone, Lawrence. Public and Private in the Stately Homes of England, 1500-1990. Social Research, 58:1. 1991:Spring.
Vagabonds Act. 1535. Statutes of the Realm. 27 Hen. 8, c, 25.



          


[1] Egyptians Act, 1530, Statutes of the Realm, 22 Hen. 8, c. 10.
[2] David Mayall, Gypsy Identities 1500-2000 From Egipcyans and Moon-men to the Ethnic Romany (London: Routledge, 2004), 55. 
[3] Mayall, Gypsy Identities, 73.
[4] Mayall, Gypsy Identities, 56.
[5] Brian Vesey Fitzgerald, Gypsies of Britain (Great Britain: Chapman and Hall Ltd, 1973), 29.
[6] Fitzgerald, Gypsies of Britain, 58.
[7] Mayall, Gypsy Identities, 6.
[8] Mayall, Gypsy Identities,125.
[9] Mayall, Gypsy Identities,225-226.
[10]Mayall, Gypsy Identities,125.
[11] Mayall, Gypsy Identities, 60.
[12] Lawrence Stone, Public and Private in the Stately Homes of England, 1500-1990, Social Research, 58:1 (1991:Spring), 228-229.
[13] Stone, Public and the Private 57.
[14] Mayall, Gypsy Identities, 72.
[15] Egyptians Act, 1530, Statutes of the Realm, 22 Hen. 8, c. 10.
[16] 'The City of Coventry: Crafts and industries: Craft organisation to the 16th century', A History of the County of Warwick: Volume 8: The City of Coventry and Borough of Warwick (1969), pp. 157-162. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=16025&strquery=craft Date accessed: 07 December 2009. >
[17] Leo Lucassen, “Eternal Vagrants? State Formation, Migration and Travelling Groups in Western Europe, 1350-1914,” in Gypsies and Other Itinerant Groups (New York, NY: St. Martin’s Press, Inc, 1998), 56.
[18] 'The sixteenth century: Economy', A History of the County of York East Riding: Volume 6: The borough and liberties of Beverley (1989), pp. 80-83. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid=36417&strquery=economy Date accessed: 23 November 2009. >
[19] Barbara Hunt and others, Gypsies and Government Policy in England (London: Northumberland Press Ltd., 1975), 113.
[20] “Gypsie Loddy.” 1720, Early English Online Books, 20 Oct. 2009, https://vpn.lib.ucdavis.edu/,DanaInfo=eebo.chadwyck.com+search
[21] Oxford English Dictionary Online, “loddy,” https://vpn.lib.ucdavis.edu/cgi/entry/,DanaInfo=dictionary.oed.com+50134880?single=1&query_type=word&queryword=loddy&first=1&max_to_show=10.
[23] “Gypsie Loddy.”
[24] “Gypsie Loddy.”
[25] “Gypsie Loddy.”
[26] Egyptians Act, 1530, Statutes of the Realm, 22 Hen. 8, c. 10.
[27] Vagabonds Act, 1535, Statutes of the Realm, 27 Hen. 8, c, 25.
[28] Vagabonds Act.
[29] Vagabonds Act, 1535, Statutes of the Realm, 27 Hen. 8, c, 25.
[30] Lucassen, “Eternal Vagrants,” 59.
[31] Poor Act, 1551, Statutes of the Realm, 5&6 Edw. 6, c. 2.
[32] Poor Act.
[33] Egyptians Act, 1554, Statutes of the Realm, 1&2 Ph. and M, c. 4.
[34] Egyptians Act, 1554.
[35] Egyptians Act, 1554.
[36] Poor Act, 1551, Statutes of the Realm, 5&6 Edw. 6, c. 2.
[37] Egyptians Act, 1554.
[38] Richard J. Pym, The Gypsies of Early Modern Spain, 1425-1783 (New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007), 86.
[39] Pym, Spain, 87.
[40] Pym, Spain, 92.

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